She is totally into the cut and thrust of her college. I love the cut and thrust of this business, I am here to stay.
She realized very soon that she won't suited to the cut and thrust approach of modern journalism. Origin This is mainly a phrase used in British English.
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Keep in Touch Subscribe to our new updates in your email. Thus, adjacent to Abkhazia, Russian troops are maintaining two large checkpoints on the roads around the Black Sea port of Poti. Just outside South Ossetia, they hold positions overlooking the strategic highway from Tbilisi to the west. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, fending off mounting domestic and international criticism, has sought to clarify the terms of the cease-fire.
Synonyms and Antonyms for cut-and-thrust | starinilac.ml
Sarkozy's office has released a letter sent to Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili on August 14, in which Sarkozy explains that Russian forces can only patrol in the immediate vicinity of South Ossetia's borders, outside of any major urban centers, and must leave the territory of Georgia proper once an OSCE monitoring mission is in place. However, a series of telephone conversations between Sarkozy and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev have failed to extract Russian compliance.
On August 23, the Russian president's office also said in a statement that the two leaders' talks did not broach the issue of "replacing Russian peacekeepers in the security zone with OSCE forces. Military Positioning Left with diplomatic egg on its face, France's last line of defense has been to suggest that without a cease-fire Russia would have stormed Tbilisi.
The claim was backed up by Saakashvili, who told the French daily "Liberation" on August 25 there was a "big chance" that without French mediation, "Russian tanks would now be in Tbilisi. Speaking at UN headquarters on August 20, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin said the "Medvedev-Sarkozy" principles were "later supported by the Georgian side, the Abkhaz side, and the South Ossetian side" -- implying a parity among the latter three. The Georgian government vehemently rejects this interpretation, saying the leaders of two "criminal" regimes are not legally empowered to sign international treaties.
EU officials also agree that the internationally shunned Kokoity and Bagapsh could not be parties to the cease-fire accord. But officials in Brussels also concede there appear to be "multiple copies" of the cease-fire agreement in circulation. EU diplomats admit Russia is presently able to run diplomatic rings round Europe and the United States.
For example, no one appears to even have begun to question the Russian intervention in Abkhazia during the conflict.
Less cut and thrust more cut and paste
If in South Ossetia Moscow argued it had to intervene to save one party to the conflict from attack by another, then in Abkhazia, -- by the same token -- it would have had to join the fray in support of Georgian forces as they came under attack by Abkhaz troops. Russia's pincer movement of military entrenchment and legalistic cut—and-thrust probably has multiple objectives. In the longer term, Moscow is trying to make sure that once out of the fire, Georgia ends up in the frying pan.
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Russia's stranglehold on Georgia will certainly harm the country's chances of closer integration with NATO and the EU, could stifle economic growth, and cause chronic political instability. But in the short term, as one EU diplomat notes, Russia may be simply positioning itself as advantageously as it can for eventual peace talks with Tbilisi.
Cut And Thrust
NATO's tentative moves to freeze cooperation have left Moscow unfazed. President Medvedev said on August 25 in Moscow that Russia is "ready to accept any decision, up to a complete break in relations. The EU's leaders at their summit on September 1 will be hamstrung by a similar sense of impotence. Their leverage also largely consists in denying Russia closer cooperation -- like breaking off the strategic partnership talks currently in progress or vetoing Russia's entry into the World Trade Organization.
This, many in the EU agree, would harm the bloc more than Russia itself, by depriving it of any chance of enticing Moscow to play by a common rulebook.
Either measure, however, would hold few real terrors for Russia at this point.